A third approach is firing.

To fire the people who are the most culpable—the elected representatives—requires selecting as candidates, and electing, non-treasonous people.

To fire the people who have less power—the people in the administrative bureaucracies—requires selecting as the presidential candidate, and electing, a person who has the emotional intelligence to use the executive power to fire [9].

To eliminate the administrative bureaucrats’ unconstitutional departments and agencies requires selecting and electing congresspeople and presidents who support the Constitution with their actions. People who use their powers against former congresspeople and presidents to repeal their enabling statutes, and who use their powers against judges to evaluate constitutionality for themselves and to take action accordingly, which in both cases is required by their oaths of office.

Once we select and elect majorities of congresspeople who support the Constitution and presidents who support the Constitution, then it may seem more urgent to enact constitutional repeals and to execute constitutional grandfathering-out of unconstitutional programs. If elected representatives could only do one thing at a time, this would be true. But the fact is that it will be immensely easier for constitutionalists to write, pass, and sign repeals and even rights-respecting demolitions of Progressive programs than it has been for Progressives to erect the administrative state.

Even if it doesn’t seem urgent, it may seem unnecessary to impeach, convict, and punish, or to indict, convict, and punish for treason. This is incorrect. Broken-windows policing is required by the Constitution. Broken-windows policing mercifully limits the snowballing of crime and victimization. And broken-windows policing is built into the Constitution in multiple ways—through the power of the explicitly-delineated crime of treason; through the power of the impeachment process; through government officers’ duties to use these and other offsetting powers to support the Constitution, as required by the officers’ oaths of office.

In prosecuting widespread treason, the just way to exercise executive judgment will be to start at the top with the people to whom we the people delegated the most power and who used this power to abuse we the people, and to apply successively-less force to successively-less-powerful offenders.

In punishing cases of treason, the just way to exercise judicial judgment will be to hand down successively-lighter sentences to successively-less-destructive offenders. Sentences depriving offenders of life would be justice for industrial-scale deprivation of life through state-sponsored abortion or through “authorized” undeclared war. Sentences depriving offenders of liberty and property would be justice for systemically depriving we the people of liberty and property through unconstitutional COVID orders and stimuluses.

In no way would it be just, or prudent, to keep turning a blind eye to treason—even to treason that gets disrupted before it causes directly-traceable deprivations of life, liberty, or property. Turning a blind eye to treason is what has allowed treason to become endemic, at pandemic levels.

Life, liberty, and property are secure only when constitutional powers are used against people who would deprive us of these rights, and are secure only to the extent that government people use these constitutional powers.

Limiting governments secures freedom.