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Ivermectin, Hydroxychloroquine, Fast Tests Suppressed. Attorneys General Can Fight Back
James Anthony
October 22, 2021
If you catch a serious bacterial infection, you can expect to get a test and use an antibiotic as soon as possible. Unless you’re at elevated risk, you won’t get a prescription that can make the bacteria develop resistance [1].
In contrast if you catch a SARS-CoV-2 virus infection, you can’t expect to get a fast home test and use a generic antiviral as soon as possible [2]. And regardless of whether you’re at elevated risk, you will be told to use a narrow-action vaccine that can make the virus develop resistance [3].
Why So Different?
Medicine has turned crony socialist. Crony organizations contribute to campaigns and endorse government people, and government people pay them back by rigging their competitions [4].
Hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin were available from the start as inexpensive, widely-used generics with known antiviral action. Fast home tests for COVID-19 were quickly developed that were sensitive to the higher levels of infection that cause nearly all disease transmission.
WHO trialed hydroxychloroquine only for late in the COVID-19 disease course, and without supplementing zinc [5] that’s needed for hydroxychloroquine’s antiviral action. Researchers in highly-industrialized nations didn’t trial ivermectin on COVID-19 at large scale [6].
FDA cautioned that for COVID-19, hydroxychloroquine should not be prescribed for the early outpatient use that’s the most effective [7]. FDA advised that for COVID-19, ivermectin is not authorized or approved and should not be used [8]. FDA slow-walked and denied approval altogether for the first fast home tests developed for COVID-19 [9].
NIH [10] and CDC [11] echoed WHO, FDA, and crony researchers.
Many state medical boards, state pharmacy boards, hospital policymakers, pharmacy policymakers, and pharmacists actualized those organizations’ disparagements of hydroxychloroquine [12] and ivermectin. All state governments accepted FDA’s blocking of sale of the first fast home tests.
How’s This Wrong?
Most of these organizations’ decisionmakers aren’t clinicians, and virtually none are people’s treating clinicians.
State boards, organizational policymakers, and FDA each control the two items that together make up laws: rules and sanctions [13]. Anything they say can be a rule. As sanctions, these boards and policymakers can fire employees for the exact actions they take as professionals. FDA can make products unmarketable.
Without due process of law, these boards and policymakers can deprive clinicians or pharmacists of property (the ability to employ their training, which is human capital). Clinicians or pharmacists who don’t take actions when needed can deprive persons of life. And this would go unseen if everyone marched in lockstep.
What Can Be Done?
First of all, realize that people need protection the most against those who are the most powerful.
WHO has no force of law. Under national statutes, hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin have remained fully legal to prescribe and dispense. FDA, NIH, and CDC are multiply unconstitutional, since they combine separated powers [14], legislate [15], and exercise powers not enumerated for the national government [16].
State legislators, executives, and judges could require all persons in their states to give no force to those organizations’ rules. Instead, nearly all of these officers have done the opposite. They have empowered the very medical boards and pharmacy boards that have applied the most force against individual clinicians and pharmacists. They have not allowed the sale of the first fast home tests.
Given all those fails, the burden of securing individuals’ rights falls next on the lesser magistrates [17] who are the next in line: the state attorneys general. Each is the strongest legal representative of his state’s residents as a class [18].
Withholding medical care is practicing medicine. Compelling the misuse of vaccines is practicing medicine. Most of the organizations’ decisionmakers who are practicing medicine here are not clinicians, and virtually none are the treating clinicians.
Socialized, centralized medicine enables a small number of people to harm whole populations.
Fortunately, the Constitution requires individual government officers to use their powers against those organizations [14]. Here and now, this duty falls on the state attorneys general [19].
This is a matter of life and death [20].
References
James Anthony is the author of The Constitution Needs a Good Party and rConstitution Papers, and has written articles in rConstitution.us, American Greatness, Foundation for Economic Education, American Thinker, and The Federalist. Mr. Anthony is an experienced chemical engineer with a master’s in mechanical engineering.
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